Can Military Force Promote Humanitarian Values?

Abstract Recent years have seen an increase in humanitarian interventions which have involved military operations. However is it feasible that the two operations, military and humanitarian are compatibleThis paper investigates whether this is the case and, to do so, assesses military force in terms of the values which underpin humanitarianism. This paper utilises a case study from the Libyan conflict to assess whether there is a politicised nature in the push for military led humanitarian operations, and examines whether there is a political undertone in the increased usage of military forces. It is argued that this undertone serves to undermine the possibility that military forces can promote humanitarian Introduction For several decades, humanitarian intervention has been a factor in military operations. This paper examines whether military forces can promote the values of humanitarianism during aid operations. To do so this paper will examine a number of elements and seeks to define humanitarianism. In doing so, the question of what role military forces can play is considered. This includes, for example, where military forces are deployed to affected regions or states and the role which they have been asked to conduct. This paper investigates whether the underlying aims of military forces are compatible with that of humanitarianism. This paper argues that they are not and that recent years have seen developments where military action has been wrongly justified on the grounds of humanitarian intervention. What is Humanitarianism? The concept of humanitarian intervention which utilises military force can be classed as a subjective one. Whilst some commentator’s class military led humanitarian interventions as being â€Å"the use of military force to protect foreign populations from mass atrocities or gross human rights abuses† (Waxman, 2013), others such as Marjanovic (2012) define the action as being â€Å"a state using military force against another state when the chief publicly declared aim of that military action is ending human-rights violations being perpetrated by the state against which it is directed†. Yet despite the subjectivity, there is a series of components which can be extracted from these various definitions. These components include: a form of war or conflict, the potential that non-combatants will be negatively affected by this conflict; and where human rights abuses are considered to be taking place In essence, there are a number of factors which should be present when military led humanitarian assistance is being considered. Weiss (2012: 1) argues that there is an underlying notion of a â€Å"responsibility to protect† and that this has a tendency to dominate modern geo-political thinking, but instead it is arguable that the global community can be accused of cherry picking where it seeks to intervene. Weiss had previously argued that any intervention should incorporate aspects of post conflict redevelopment programming (Minear & Weiss, 1995), yet since the perpetuation of military led humanitarian interventions, he has reconsidered his perspective to argue that such actions should now constitute â€Å"activities undertaken to improve the human condition† (Weiss, 2012: 1). This latter inclusion indicates that the shift in conflict dynamics, from one which is largely based on conventional warfare to the usage of non-state actors and combatants in an asymmetric conf lict zone has been a party to Weiss’s new perspective. Where values are considered, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (2013) argue that these incorporate aspects of humanity, impartiality, neutrality and independence. Essentially, therefore, it can be argued that where military forces are deployed to support humanitarian operations that it is essential they act according to these guiding principles. Role of the Military in Humanitarian Interventions Recent years, particularly since the end of the Cold War (Pattison, 2010), have seen military operations to support humanitarian interventions in a number of collapsed or failed states. These include, but are not limited to, Iraq, post-Gulf War One (1991 – 2003), Bosnia – Serbia (1995), Kosovo (1999), East Timor (1999) Somalia (2002), Haiti (2004), and Libya (2011) whilst other humanitarian interventions which have required military assistance can be considered to have taken place in post conflict Iraq and Afghanistan (Pattison, 2010). Weiss (2012) argues that the concept of humanitarian intervention has increased the potential for interventions into states in order to protect non-combatants from conflict. Contrary to this, the earlier reference to cherry picking provides a casing point when the political discourse which took place at the United Nations (UN) Security Council in relation to the ongoing conflict in Syria can be considered to be a case where the window o f opportunity for intervention has now closed, particularly since this conflict has led to the involvement of Islamic State and the Kurdish Peshmerga (Dagher, 2014). Increase in Military led Humanitarian Operations As stated, recent decades, particularly since the end of the Cold War, have seen a rise in the numbers of ethnically charged conflicts and where humanitarian interventions have been considered as necessary (Kaldor, 1998). In a review of this era, Kaldor noted that there had been a change in the dynamics of conflict and that the underpinning issue was of a series of belligerents and combatants which were not constrained by international regulations, such as the Geneva Convention protocols, Laws of Armed Conflict or relevant United Nations Charters (Kaldor, 1998). This changed dynamics has perpetuated and has spread to a number of conflict zones around the world, but has also seen a rise in the usage of conventional forces to support non-governmental organisations (NGOs). Similarly, Christoplos, Longley, and Slaymaker (2004) also noted a changed emphasis in humanitarian aid provision during this era. They argued that the underpinning programmes have been utilised to create a tripartite system of humanitarianism which incorporates rehabilitation (for both state and society), development of state and social infrastructures and relief programmes which provide for maintaining civil society during crisis periods. This particular perspective reinforces a belief that military interventions can help NGOs deliver aid by providing security (Seybolt, 2007). Nevertheless the incorporation of military activity into this mix has also resulted in a further complication since military operations deploy to aid zones with a preposition of maintaining operational security. This includes the potential for combating belligerent forces where such a need exists (Davidson, 2012). Stability Operations Global Humanitarian Assistance (GHA) (2013) argues that the first decade of the twenty first century has seen a near trebling of military support for NGOs in countries which have been affected by war, natural disaster or where the state infrastructure has been affected sufficiently that it is unable to assist with recovery programmes. GHA also note that peacekeeping operations have increased at a similar rate, particular in the years discussed earlier by Kaldor (1998) to the present day. UK military doctrine emphasises that any military activities which has a humanitarian focus should incorporate stability operations (Ministry of Defence, 2011). In clarifying this position, the UK Ministry of Defence added that: â€Å"The peacekeeper fulfils a mandate with the strategic consent of the main warring parties, allowing a degree of freedom to fulfil its task in an impartial manner, while a sustainable peace settlement is pursued.† (Ministry of Defence, 2011: 1.1). Such a perspectiv e indicates that the simple inclusion of additional personnel to assist NGOs is not the primary role of military forces but instead is indicative of a more political role which is intended to shape the political landscape of the affected region or state where assistance is being provided. This aspect does not sit comfortably with the principles of humanitarianism as espoused by NGOs such as the ICRC (2013). This perspective is further enforced when it is noted that the Ministry of Defence cannot rule out military action during humanitarian operations. Doctrinal papers evidence that military operations will also incorporate war fighting components as well as security duties. This was the case in Afghanistan, which was a stabilisation operation during which the UK military â€Å"had the consent of the host nation government but no other warring party (Afghanistan: Taliban 2001 – present) [†¦] A military force may decide in such situations that the defeat of a specific enemy is essential to the success of the operation.† (Ministry of Defence, 2011: 1.1). Essentially, therefore, there is a political perspective which can serve to undermine any arguments of altruism during a humanitarian operation which is supported by military efforts. Should Military led Humanitarian Interventions be justified? The UN backed military operation in Libya during its recent uprising and civil conflict was arguably mandated via humanitarian intervention based upon aid relief and assistance (United Nations, 2011). However it is arguable thatthat this particular intervention was politically motivated since it is evident that the Gaddafi regime had previously irked those states (USA, UK & France) which were at the forefront of the military aspect of intervention (Boulton, 2008). The argument put forward by the trio of states sought to ensure a quick resolution to the conflict and that a perpetuation of the conflict would lead to a humanitarian crisis. Kuperman (2011) notes that Resolution, 1973 allowed for a number of additional practices by military forces. These included, for example, allowing intervening forces to stabilise the Libyan conflict, to assist the undermining of the authority of the Gaddafi regime and to help bring the conflict to a swift conclusion. To achieve this Kuperman (2011) no tes that Libyan state financial and economic assets were frozen, the regime was also subjected to an arms embargo (Kuperman, 2011). It is also to be noted that the USA, France and the UK also operated outside of the mandate provided by the UN by deploying private military contractors to fight alongside insurgents seeking to overthrow the Gaddafi regime (RT News, 2012). That said, the Libyan conflict has not ended and continues to dominate local Libyan politics and society. This outcome serves only to undermine the utilitarian role of humanitarianism. It is fair to suggest that the actions by military forces were more political than humanitarian and served only to perpetuate the US led policy of regime change. This is a factor which Williamson (2011) argues has resulted in military planners utilising military force within humanitarian relief efforts and which has served only to muddy the political and societal dynamics of any affected zone. Williamson’s (2011) argument can be considered in tandem with the British military doctrine which refuses to rule out combat efforts but in relation to the post-Cold War era which has seen non-state combatants realign the battlefield to one which compares directly to a counter insurgency warzone (US Government, 2012). Legal Issues Where the Libyan case study is considered, it is worthwhile noting that, previously, Goodman (2006) had argued that there is a clear contradiction between military interventions into any state using a guise of humanitarian purposes. Goodman (2006) furthers his argument by stating that there is no legal justification for a unilateral humanitarian intervention into another country, and that it is highly unlikely that such a move will ever be likely. The rationale behind this argument is that states then have the potential to militarily intervene in other states using humanitarianism as a justification for regime change or some other ulterior motive. It is to be noted that Goodman bases his arguments upon the dynamics of recent interventions in Kosovo and Iraq as well as the refusal to intervene in the Sudan or in Rwanda (Goodman, 2006). Similarly when attempts were made to intervene militarily under the auspice of humanitarianism in Syria, this was rebuffed by the UN General Assembly s ince it was suggested that those who sought to intervene (again, the USA, UK and France) were doing so out of a political motive which involve a war fighting phase as opposed to relieving suffering on the ground, indeed a part of the proposal was to arm anti Assad militias which were aligned to the al Qaeda franchise (Benotman and Blake, 2013). The outcome of this particular policy has been the evolution of Islamic State. Conclusion In conclusion, the incorporation of a military force to benefit humanitarian operations can serve to benefit the potential for aid relief via the provision of security escorts for NGOs when operating in hostile environments. However with recent decades seeing a vast increase in the preference for military led humanitarian operations, the potential for a conflation between humanitarian principles and the advancing of political aspirations of donor states cannot be denied. This has been the case in Libya where humanitarianism was presented as a causal justification for military interventions which were mostly politically or ideologically led. With the vales of humanitarianism incorporating impartiality and neutrality it is hard to see how military forces can promote humanitarian values, particularly when their presence may result in engaging with potential belligerent forces in order to stabilise a country or region so that NGOs can conduct their own operations successfully. Essentiall y, therefore the aims of military forces (and their political masters) are vastly different from aid agencies, this serve to provide confirmation that military forces cannot promote humanitarian values, purely by virtue of their own activities and nature of their work. Bibliography Benotman, N., and Blake, R. (2013) Jabhat al-Nusra: A Strategic Briefing, London: Quilliam Foundation. Boulton, A. (2008), Memoirs of the Blair Administration: Tony’s Ten Years, London: Simon & Schuster. Christoplos, I., Longley, C. and Slaymaker, T., (2004) The Changing Roles of Agricultural Rehabilitation: Linking Relief, Development and Support to Rural Livelihoods, available at http://odi.org.uk/wpp/publications_pdfs/Agricultural_rehabilitation.pdf, (accessed on 13/11/14). Dagher, S., (2014) Kurds Fight Islamic State to Claim a Piece of Syria, (online), available at http://online.wsj.com/articles/kurds-fight-islamic-state-to-claim-a-piece-of-syria-1415843557, (accessed on 13/11/14). Davidson, J., (2012) Principles of Modern American Counterinsurgency: Evolution and Debate, Washington DC: Brookings Institute. Global Humanitarian Assistance, (2013) Counting the cost of humanitarian aid delivered through the military, London: Global Humanitarian Assistance. Goodman, R., (2006) Humanitarian Intervention and Pretexts for War, (J), American Journal of International Law, Vol. 100: 107 – 142. International Committee of the Red Cross, (2013) Humanitarian Values and Response to Crisis, (online), available at https://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/misc/57jmlz.htm, (accessed on 13/11/14). Kaldor, M., (1998) New and Old Wars: Organized Violence in a Global Era, Cambridge: Polity Press. Kuperman, A., (2011) False Pretence for war in Libya, available at http://www.boston.com/bostonglobe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2011/04/14/false_pretense_for_war_in_libya/accessed on 13/11/14). Marjanovic, M., (2011) Is Humanitarian War the Exception?, (online), available at http://mises.org/daily/5160/Is-Humanitarian-War-the-Exception, (accessed on 13/11/14). Minear, L and Weiss, T.G., (1995) Mercy Under Fire: War and the Global Humanitarian Community, Boulder: Westview Press. Ministry of Defence, (2011) Peacekeeping: An evolving Role for the Military, London: HMSO. Pattison, M., (2010) Humanitarian Intervention and the Responsibility To Protect: Who Should, Oxford: Oxford University Press. RT News, (2012) Stratfor: Blackwater helps regime Change, (online), available at http://www.rt.com/news/stratfor-syria-regime-change-063/, (accessed on 13/11/14). Seybolt, T., (2007) Humanitarian Military Intervention: The Conditions for Success and Failure, Oxford: Oxford University Press. United Nations, (2011) Resolution 1973, (online), available at http://www.un.org/press/en/2011/sc10200.doc.htm#Resolution, (accessed on 13/11/14). US Government, (2012) Counter Insurgency, Virginia: Pentagon. Waxman, M., (2013) Is humanitarian military intervention against international law, or are there exceptions?, (online), available at http://www.cfr.org/international-law/humanitarian-military-intervention-against-international-law-there-exceptions/p31017, (accessed on 13/11/14). Weiss, T., (2012) Humanitarian Intervention, Cambridge: Polity Press. Williamson, J., (2011) Using humanitarian aid to ‘win hearts and minds’: a costly failure?, (J), International Committee of the Red Cross, Vol. 93, (884): 1035 – 1062.

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Kant - Critique of the Aesthetic Power of Judgment - Essay Example According to Kant, an individual judges the taste of an object in line to the level of satisfaction that is achieved in the use of the object (Kant 118). This satisfaction is said to reside in the beauty of the object. The satisfaction that is achieved in the use of an object is normally accompanied with an individual’s assent. In this sense, it is assumed that the level of satisfaction which is achieved is objective. Kant illustrates that the satisfaction which is achieved through an object varies from one individual to another. This means that what is considered to be satisfying by one person may be unsatisfactory to another. It is due to the above claim that Kant says that an objective approach in the used of an object is valid in determining the level of satisfaction which is achieved by the user or consumer of the object. This implies that when an object is being consumed, the objective of the consumer in the use of the object plays a role in defining if it is satisfactor y or not. If an individual says that a given flower is very beautiful, it is a claim which implies that the flower will satisfy everybody. Kant critiques this argument by saying that the pleasantness of an object such as this flower is not likely to satisfy all people equally (Kant 119). If an individual is satisfied by a smell by considering it pleasant, the same smell may give another person a headache. According to these claims therefore, the beauty of a flower is just one of its properties and the manner in which it is received and experienced by different people varies in accordance to the perception which emanates from their senses. Therefore the satisfaction that is achieved by the smell of the flower is not accommodative of the different tastes among different people because of the following reasons. Firstly, the experiences of people vary which influences the manner

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The climate change. Carbon Tax in Australia - Essay Example It is supposed to affect most of the Australian industries along with the household people. Carbon tax has been proposed with the view of associating cost with carbon emission and encouraging people to make use renewable sources of energy. An IMC plan has been set out to promote this new carbon tax in Australia. The target audience has been identified to be the Australian households and the industries in Australia. Relevant communication objectives have also been developed focusing more on the awareness amongst people about carbon tax and its implications and thereby helping to create a brand image of the same. Creative strategies towards the achievement of each of the communication objectives have also been developed. Media plan have been formulated and is considered to be the key of the effectiveness of this IMC plan. A proper media mix has been taken into consideration to enable effective communication with the specific target audiences. The climate change as a consequence of glob al warming is an important environmental issue in today’s world. The earth’s temperature has been rising at an alarming rate in the recent years. All the nations in the world are concerned about it, and Australia is no exception. The government of Australia has come up with the proposal of implementation of a new environmental tax, namely carbon tax. ... This study discusses the development an Integrated Marketing Communication (IMC) plan so as to promote carbon tax, its implications, and advantages associated with it. A proper segmental analysis along with the formulation of specific communication objectives has been included in this study. Creative strategies to achieve the communication objectives have also been included in this study. Lastly, a proper media plan has been developed for creating an effective communication with the target audience. 2. Segment Analysis The key principle behind IMC is the knowledge of customers. This knowledge is made possible through proper segmentation of target audience or customer in order to identify them (Duncan 204). Segmentation of customers is usually done on the basis of certain parameters like geographic, psychographic, demographic, and behavioural characteristics. This study is about developing an IMC plan for the promotion of the proposed carbon tax by the government of Australia. Hence t he first primary task in developing such plan would be the proper segmentation of a target audience. Carbon tax is designed to be imposed on those adding to the carbon emission in the atmosphere. Carbon emission occurs mainly from two sources: from the production of goods, which results in carbon emission, or from the consumption of goods and services, which results in the emission of carbon into the atmosphere. Hence the Australian economy can be thought of as two broad segments, namely the Australian households and the companies in Australia that are involved in consuming and producing energy from sources that cause carbon emission. Australian households

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Reflection Paper on The Game Diplomacy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

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Global Strategy at General Motors Essay Example for Free

Global Strategy at General Motors Essay Company, one of the world’s largest automakers, traces its roots back to 1908 and its annual revenue in 2000 of $185 billion. The company sells 8 million vehicles per years, 3. 2 million of which are produced and market outside of its North America. GM caught 27 percent share of the North America and 9 percent share of the market in the rest of the world as well as GM captured 12 percent share in the Western Europe in 2000 which is second only to that of ford. With its global headquarters in Detroit, GM employs 235,000 people in every major region of the world and does business in some 140 countries. GM and its strategic partners produce cars and trucks in 34 countries, and sell and service these vehicles through the following brands: Buick, Cadillac, Chevrolet, GMC, GM Daewoo, Holden, Opel, Vauxhall and Wuling. GM’s largest national market is the United States, followed by China, Brazil, the United Kingdom, Canada, Russia and Germany. GM’s OnStar subsidiary is the industry leader in vehicle safety, security and information services. General Motors Company acquired operations from General Motors Corporation on July 10, 2009, and references to prior periods in this and other press materials refer operations of the old General Motors Corporation. Though GM had a long presence in developing countries, until recently sales there accounted for only a little fraction of the company’s total international business. Traditionally GM used the developing countries as a dumping ground for the obsolete technology and outdated models and earned huge money from this aging investment. This strategy has seen as lack of commitment from top management and GM offered very low quality, made of old product. All decision, plan and marketing decision were centralized by Detroit headquarter and they acted as a market context. GM kept in its mind about the poverty, crime, geographical situation and politics and communism in the developing countries. On the other hand, GM Detroit headquarters kept away GM European operation from other part of the world. And because of this arm’s-length-basis, company had failure to share all the valuable technology, skill and practice among the subsidiaries. But it had appealing market, and high profit opportunities in the Europe. So, GM did tailor the specific market needs because it had worried about blowing off from market if it didn’t tailor the specific market. So, while the GM tight controlled over its operation in the developing country but in the some time GM was too lax in Europe and felt lack of overall strategic coherence. Since 1997, GM has been trying to switch a philosophy that centre of excellence may reside any where in the global operation. An embodiment of this is to set up new four plants in the developing countries with investing $2. billion. And the four plants are identical and they can able to imitate Toyota. At the Eisenach plant, GM leant lean production from Toyota and implemented this. So the plant which productivity rate is at least twice that of most North American assembly operations is most efficient in Europe operation and the best in GM. Although they reach the more scale economics, more efficiency , more synergy, and ability to match local preference, but this strategy are not working because GM still suffers from high costs, low perceive quality. Finally, GM thinks that the push toward global cars is misconceived. At the Opel’s Russelsheim design facility, the German based engineering has uttered concerns that distinctively European engineering features may be left by the wayside in the drive to devise what they see as blander â€Å"global† cars. Question-1: How would you characterize the strategy pursued by GM in the (a) developing world and (b) Europe before 1997? Answer: The question asked to characterize the strategy pursued by GM in the developing world and in Europe before 1997. So, first of all it is very important to notice that in this question we have two important information for discussion: First information: there are two main market areas for GM’s international operations: Europe and the developing world which is made up of Latin America, Asia and eastern Europe and the strategy pursued in these two markets are totally different. Second information is that there’s a key date in GM’s history which is 1997. This date is an important turnaround for GM. Strategy in developing countries before 1997 The fact: †¢Outdated low cost products were selected for developing countries. †¢All the strategic decision, marketing and manufacturing plans were centralized by Detroit headquarter †¢Low commitment policy was there since GM select developing countries as a dumping ground for obsolete technology and outdated models The context: †¢The main context in the developing countries is the political and economical instability. †¢Low expanse capability of the developing countries as they are poor. †¢Low growth perspectives. The strategy: Decision to produce and sell low cost models that were considered outdated developed world. Added benefit of extending the return on investment of previous decade’s investments. †¢This allowed generating a continuous cash flow to be invested in more appealing markets like Europe. †¢Probably willingness is not to share valuable technologies and skills in countries with low patent protection. The Result: market sha re less than 8. 9% The strategy pursued in the developing markets before 1997 was a very low commitment from the top management towards the developing markets. This means that the product offer was very low quality, made of old products that would have not been sellable in a competitive, developed market like the US or western Europe. From the case we also noticed that all the strategic, planning and marketing decisions were centralized in the Detroit headquarter. So, this means that the top management didn’t consider important to have a direct contact with those markets and didn’t want â€Å"trust† local subsidiaries to manage on their own. They thought they could manage the developing market from their desks in Detroit. Lack of initiative or just plain Yankee arrogance weren’t the main reasons. We think the GM management acted accordingly to the market context. In fact to understand their strategy, we must keep in mind that the geopolitical situation before the nineties in South America had instability both in politics and economy, poverty, crime and sometimes civil wars. In Eastern Europe and Asia: communism was also known as not favorable to American capitalists. The choice of a low profile strategy was the only chance at these conditions and there were low risk, low investment, low commitment but also low return. The market share of GM’s vehicles in these markets was very little but, considering the amount of resources invested, it’s not bad at all. After all, this low-cost strategy allowed GM to extend the life of obsolete products without risking to loose valuable resources in risky states. And most important, generating some cash to be invested in more appealing markets like Europe. Strategy in Europe before 1997 The context: †¢Strong local competitors †¢Strong cultural identity †¢Differences in preferences compared to US †¢Tight urban space The pursued strategy: †¢Need to totally design, produce and sell different models( compared to US) †¢Huge investment. Allowed to produce state of the art vehicles featuring the ultimate technology and design tailored to the local customers. †¢Loose control by Detroit headquarter and wide freedom to regional and national subsidiaries( strategy planning, designing of cars and facilities were managed on their own) The Result: †¢11. 3% market share second only to Ford †¢Lack of an overall strategic coherence. Inability to leverage synergies And here we go with the second part of the question: strategy in Europe before 1997. Here everything is different. We have an appealing market, high profit opportunities, demanding customers and strong competitors. In Europe you can’t even imagine to sell the same cars you sell in America. First of all because there’s not enough space: streets are smaller, plain and simple. Second, because people have very different preferences compared to US and third because if you don’t tailor the cars to the specific market needs, local competitors will blow you off in a minute. And you’ll be out of the game. So here’s how GM managed the European operations: They gave local subsidiaries freedom to design, produce and sell new models. Impact of pre 1997 strategy In developing countries: †¢Inability to respond to market needs †¢Mediocre from a competitive point of view but decent from a financial point of view In Europe: †¢Good response to market needs †¢High costs †¢Good from a competitive point of view but very expensive and not much efficient To summarize Pressure for cost reduction was high in developing countries not because of competitors but mainly because of poverty. In Europe, compared to developing countries, customers have a high expenditure capability so if a pressure for cost reduction exists, it’s due to competition but still it’s not comparable to that in the developing world. That’s why we’ve put it in the lower end of the axis. Question-3: How would you characterize the strategy that GM has been pursuing since 1997? How should this strategy affect GM’s ability to create value in the global automobile market?

Proper Conduct in a Classroom Essay Example for Free

Proper Conduct in a Classroom Essay Being respectful in class is important to the social structure of the educational environment. Without a certain degree of respect it would distract a lot of our valuable attention, and direct it away from our daily learning. This greatly would hinder our learning abilities and minimizes our educational benefits. The dilemma that we face is that a lot of student to not know how to present the proper behavior in class. The good thing is good classroom educate is an easily obtainable skill, but a perishable skill as well before we learn how to demonstrate good classroom behavior; we must first learn the benefits of good behavior. Disrespect in class causes havoc and disorderliness. For instance If one were to speak out of turn not only would it upset the follow class mate because they did not get a fair chance to speak, but it would give the impression that other people can speak out of turn as well. If ever one spoke out of turn there would be no way to accomplish any thing. There will be too many interruptions, and some students will miss the opportunity to express their ideas. Respecting other and proper educate is the only way to keep order in the classroom. So how do we establish order in the learning environment? It is too simple. It is vital to speak when called upon, so students can get a fair chance to express their ideas, and solution. Plus this helps to alleviate distracts and annoyances. Talking out of turn is not the only distraction. Students should not get up, or leave on their own accord as well. However it is acceptable to ask to be excused. It is also important to be mindful of other pupil’s thoughts, ideas, emotions, and feeling. Spite, and animosity just agitates the concept of learning. Students should give each other constructive criticism, and listen to each others thoughts. It is also important to address the instructor by title (Mr., Mrs., Ms., Miss., Dr., Prof., Sir, Ma’am.), and address all your comments, concerns, and questions towards the instructor in a polite manner. Respectful behavior in classrooms is easy. However just as easy as it is, it is even easier to forget to utilize this skill. One must make a habit of being respectful. It is a system you must employ on a day-to-day basis. If followed the method and example of classroom educate I have previously displayed will help make a more relaxing, and less stressful learning environment.